Congress Vows To Step Up To Surveillance Policy Challenge

In the wake of President Obama’s highly-anticipated speech yesterday morning, it became clear that Congress will undoubtedly play a major role in the changes the President plans to initiate.

NPR reports,

“If there was a consensus emanating from Congress Friday after President Obama’s NSA reform speech, it was — not surprisingly — that Congress itself has a major role to play in the ultimate fix. Continue reading

Re-visiting Mefloquine Use at Guantanamo: A Guest Post by Dr. Remington Nevin

Dr. Remington Nevin is a consulting physician epidemiologist board certified in Public Health and General Preventive Medicine by the American Board of Preventive Medicine. Dr. Nevin specializes in the evaluation and diagnosis of adverse reactions to antimalarial medications, particularly the neurotoxic quinoline derivative mefloquine. A long-time advisor to the Center for Policy & Research, he advised us on our report exploring the government’s use of mefloquine at Guantanamo, Drug Abuse: An Exploration of the Government’s Use of Mefloquine at Guantanamo. Continue reading


Attorney-Client Meeting Rooms Implanted with Cameras that can Read ‘Tiny Writing’ and Microphones Disguised as Smoke Detectors that can Hear ‘Whispers’
Seton Hall University School of Law’s Center for Policy & Research has issued a report: “Spying on Attorneys at GTMO: Guantanamo Bay Military Commissions and the Destruction of the Attorney-Client Relationship.” The report details the surveillance and recording technology in designated attorney-client meeting rooms at Guantanamo Bay— capacities that are inexplicable unless being utilized to eavesdrop on confidential communications. The report also details the often contradictory if not false government statements regarding attorney-client privacy and the utilization (or even the existence) of the hyper-sensitive monitoring equipment installed in the supposedly private rooms.
The issue of government surveillance encroaching upon attorney-client privacy is expected to come to a head in the upcoming Military Commission Hearings in Guantanamo Bay.
Law Professor Mark Denbeaux, Director of the Seton Hall Law School’s Center for Policy and Research, commented, “If the government has spied on attorney client communications discussing trial strategy the legitimacy of the military commissions is again in grave jeopardy. It is now clear that the government has secretly implanted surveillance equipment in the meeting rooms that has spying capacities that are inexplicable unless being utilized to eavesdrop on confidential attorney client communications. The court must determine the extent to which such communications have been penetrated; if the government spying allows the government to know an attorney’s defense before trial, the proceeding ceases to be a trial and is reduced to a farce.”
The Seton Hall Law Report concludes that lawyers at Guantanamo Bay can no longer assure their clients that the government is not listening to their conversations or reading or recording the attorneys’ written notes. The report further notes that:
  • Listening devices in the attorney-client meeting rooms are disguised as smoke detectors.
  • The listening devices are so hypersensitive that they can detect even whispers between attorneys and their clients.
  • Cameras in the attorney-client meeting rooms are so powerful that they can read attorneys’ handwritten notes and other confidential documents.
  • The cameras can be operated secretly from a location outside of the room.
  • The attorney-client meeting rooms turn out to have been the former CIA interrogation facility.
  • Importantly, the CIA recording equipment was upgraded after the CIA left.
“With cameras and microphones so powerful they can read ‘tiny writing’ and hear ‘whispers,’ the government assurance of a right to counsel seems more like a trap than a right,” said report co-author and Seton Hall Law student Adam Kirchner.


Seton Hall’s Jonathan Hafetz Published in “The Guardian”- “Deprived of justice, the Guantanamo detainees’ last resort is to hunger strike”

Seton Hall professor Jonathan Hafetz’s article “Deprived of justice, Guantanamo detainees’ last resort is to hunger strike” was published last week in The Guardian.  

In contrast to the articles focusing on why these hunger strikes won’t work, Hafetz instead focuses on why detainees need to hunger strike. Hafetz, a professor of international law and counsel to Guantanamo detainees, writes that refusing to eat is the only means the detainees have of exerting control over their captors and reminding the public of their humanity.  While legal rulings and policies surrounding GTMO can (and have) been ignored, US officials cannot ignore a dying detainee.  At a minimum, the hunger strikes remind the public that Guantanamo is still open and remains a significant human rights issue.  

Ramifications of Federal Court Trials vs. Military Commission


Earlier this month, on March 8, Sulaiman Abu Ghaith, Usama Bin Laden’s son-in-law, pleaded not guilty to a charge of conspiracy to kill Americans in a federal courthouse in Manhattan.  Although his connections with the infamous 9/11 attacks are disputed, he is charged with publically praising the attacks and providing support to Al Qaeda for roughly 15 years.  This will undoubtedly be one of the most high-profile terrorist-related trials to take place since the beginning of the War on Terror given the Abu Ghaith’s alleged ties with Bin Laden, but the circumstances surrounding it have already given rise to harsh criticism from politicians and the general public.

In particular, the main cause for concern is the curious decision to try Abu Ghaith in a federal court rather than a military commission trial at Guantanamo Bay, as is normally the course of action in terrorism-related cases.  Lawmakers argue that this decision could have far-reaching implications not only for the Abu Ghaith trial, but for future terrorism-related trials as well.

But what are these implications?  For starters, the Abu Ghaith trial begins a new chapter in a fight between President Obama’s administration and Congress.  In 2009, President Obama announced that he would transfer five Guantanamo detainees to the United States to face criminal charges in federal court.  Opponents of Obama’s plan argued that transferring suspected terrorists to U.S. soil would compromise national security and could lead to wrongful acquittals of guilty parties.  Those in favor of the plan countered by pointing out the efficiency and fairness of the American justice system.

Congress ultimately responded by enacting legislation that froze the funds needed to make those transfers happen.  The Obama administration has seemingly found a loophole in the Congressional act, which only covers Guantanamo detainees, by bringing suspected terrorists to the United States without first holding them at Guantanamo.

Beyond policy considerations, there are legal implications at the heart of the discussion.  In regard to the Abu Ghaith trial, critics argue that Abu Ghaith will be granted rights under the Due Process clause of the Constitution during his trial in federal court that would not exist if he were tried at Guantanamo Bay.  For instance, a military commission does not grant the right to a speedy trial that would be applicable in federal court.  However, the Supreme Court has yet to voice its opinion on whether these rights would also be applicable in a military court, which leaves some uncertainty as to whether these concerns are legitimate.

The type of evidence allowed also differs between military commissions and federal courts.  While both would allow coerced testimony obtained at the point of capture, military commissions typically allow hearsay evidence, which will be barred in federal court.  This will be a significant difference, especially because the federal prosecutor will have a higher burden of proof than a military commission would require.  However, this burden may not pose problem that critics cite, as federal courts have had a 91% conviction rate in terrorism-related cases since the 9/11 attacks.

Along those same lines, defendants in the federal court system may have greater access to witnesses than in military commissions.  In military commissions, the defendant would have no right to subpoena witnesses.  Also, although the judge in a military commission has the power to compel witnesses to appear, he does not have to do so depending on the circumstances.  During the course of his trial, Abu Ghaith will have a better opportunity to call witnesses in support of his defense.  Critics argue that these differences may lead to a wrongful acquittal of a suspected terrorist.  However, the extra burden may not pose the problem that critics cite, as federal courts have had a 91% conviction rate in terrorism-related cases since the 9/11 attacks.

The human rights group Human Rights First points out that a trial at federal court will protect defendants from being convicted ex-post facto.  In other words, defendants will not be convicted of crimes that were not articulated by the legislature at the time they were allegedly committed.  Military commissions allow such convictions, meaning that a defendant may have no prior notice that he is committing a criminal act at the time of his actions.

Finally, the process of selecting the judge and jury are much different in federal court than in a military commission.  In a military commission, the U.S. military handpicks the judge and selects the panel (the equivalent of a jury) from the enlisted military.  In federal court, judges are appointed for life before hearing any cases and the jury is picked from the general public.  Those in favor of federal court trials argue that these procedural steps will lead to a fairer trial for defendants.


As the son-in-law of Usama Bin Laden, Sulaiman Abu Ghaith’s trial will naturally catch the public’s eye.  The publicity will only be heightened by the controversy surrounding the Obama administration’s decision to try Abu Ghaith in federal court rather than in a military commission, the type of trial Guantanamo Bay was created specifically for.  With so many differences in procedural, evidential, and political matters, it will be interesting to see how the Abu Ghaith trial plays out.

Christopher Whitten, Research Fellow
Center for Policy & Research

The 9/11 Five’s Defense Counsel Granted Limited Visitation Privileges to “Camp 7″

Judge James Pohl has granted the defense counsel in the 9/11 military commission limited access to Camp 7, the top secret prison home of the alleged mastermind of the 9/11 attacks, Khalid Sheikh Mohammed, and his four co-defendants.

The defense counsel teams initially requested a 48-hour access stint, which included the ability to sleepover with their clients once per month. The Prosecution proposed a cursory two-hour tour of Camp 7.

On Tuesday, Judge Pohl ruled that, for one time only, up to three members of each defense team could visit their respective clients in Camp 7 for no longer than 12 continuous hours. The visitation privilege was limited to the hours between 6 a.m. and 9 p.m.

No doubt about it: this is a big deal. Camp 7 is one of the most top-secret facilities on Guantanamo Bay Naval Base, Cuba. Even its very location is classified. Not to mention, this ruling comes one week after Camp 7 military police ransacked some of the defendants’ legal bins and seized already screened and approved personal items. The defense was in uproar last week, interpreting this as another attempt by the government to intrude on attorney-client privileged communications.

While the defense teams will be permitted to take notes, make sketches, and pictures during their visit, it is no surprise that those materials will be subject to inspection.

Commander Ruiz Angers Admiral MacDonald

Recapping the fourth and last day of last week’s 9/11 military commission hearings at Guantanamo Bay, presiding Judge James Pohl promised to address “the bin issue” after lunch.

But first, the court heard testimony from Admiral Bruce MacDonald, the Director of the Office of the Convening Authority and the presiding Convening Authority for the Office of Military Commissions. Commander Walter Ruiz, defense Counsel for Khalid Sheikh Mohammed’s co-defendant Mr. al-Hawsawi, argued that MacDonald inappropriately approved the 9/11 five’s eligibility for death sentences before each had been provided with an appropriate amount of informed legal advice.

A veritable screaming match erupted when Ruiz rhetorically asked, “Admiral, can a capital defense lawyer—who doesn’t have a translator that speaks the defendant’s language, who doesn’t have a mitigation expert, and who cannot communicate in writing with his client—present adequate mitigation evidence?”

Ruiz explained that he was without the help of a mitigation specialist—a defense team’s psychologist of sorts, who possesses clinical information-gathering skills enabling him or her to extract from the defendant sensitive, sometimes embarrassing and often humiliating evidence that will shape a defense attorney’s themes and theories of the case. Ruiz argued that while it is true that MacDonald had approved a particular mitigation specialist, he was of no beneficial use because MacDonald refused to approve his security clearance. So, although Ruiz’s mitigation specialist could speak to Mr. al-Hawsawi, he could not speak with him about any of the pressing classified issues—like his experience with “enhanced interrogation techniques.” Also, Ruiz was without an approved personal translator, and was instead relegated to use a cadre of government-provided translators that had independent contracts with JTF-GTMO (Ruiz disputes having rejected eight translators).

Approaching lunch break, Judge Pohl asked MacDonald if he would agree to be interviewed by the defense. No, he answered. But then objected to interviews without a government official present.

Ruiz turned to sit down from the podium, but quickly returned as if he had forgotten something, and added with some sarcasm, “Judge, I will simply indicate as an officer of the United States Navy, I am a member of the government.”

“Commander, I’m more than aware of that,” Judge Pohl said, while nodding and smirking.

Admiral MacDonald will be recalled later in the hearings.

“The Bin Issue”

Ms. Cheryl Bormann, Learned Counsel for co-defendant Mr. bin ‘Attash, announced at the end of Wednesday’s hearing that when her client, Mr. bin ‘Attash, lead defendant Mr. Khalid Sheikh Mohammed, and another co-defendant returned to their cells after Tuesday’s session, their legal bins containing attorney-client privileged mail had been ransacked and some items were seized. Bormann summoned Navy Lieutenant Commander George Massucco, Assistant Staff Judge Advocate for JTF-GTMO, to take the stand.

Massucco, whose name was laughably butchered a dozen times before he was forced to spell it out for counsel, confirmed that there had been a routine inspection and items were seized, but the SJA Office has since determined that the items would be returned to the three co-defendants. He informed the court that the seized documents, mostly photos (one of the Grand Mosque in Mecca), were seized because they were improperly stamped and without initials.

Bormann alleged that the inspection protocol and stamping system was flawed in its practice. The guard staff conducting inspections, she explained, were re-screening documents that had already been approved by J2—documents that had been in the defendants’ cells, in some cases, for over a year and half. Having passed thousands of inspections since 2011, it is strange, she said, that they are being seized now. Her concern heightened when she learned that  a turnover in the guard force—what Massucco called an Army-Navy “rip”—was taking place.

“But as I see it, it’s not going to really matter who does the inspection if the inspection keeps happening. The seizure of the same mail, the same materials over and over and over, whether that seizure is done by a PRT person or whether that’s done by the guard force— it boarders on harassment,” Bormann pleaded.

“I got it,” Judge Pohl said.

Chief Prosecutor, Brigadier General Mark Martins tried to cool the tension radiating from the defense’s side of the room. He explained that the inspection was routine, and the defense counsel teams unanimously agreed that such a procedure is reasonable and necessary in order to protect against a legitimate national security risk. The seizure, he explained, was a competent response to the same protocol that has been used by the “old hands” and is currently being taught to the “new hands.”

Bormann demanded the need for some common sense legislation. Yet Judge Pohl responded, “And I think, as you recognize, you said you can’t legislate common sense or order common sense; all you can do is the best you can with what you’ve got…. And you’ve got to balance [the legitimate need for security] obviously and minimize the intrusion to privileged materials.”

The defense proffered an off-the-cuff proposal for “common sense legislation”: that all documents be stamped properly in accordance with JTF-GTMO SOP and all inspections be performed under the same accord; and that the defendants’ legal bins only be inspected for illegal contraband (i.e. weapons), not for the content of the items contained therein; and if items are seized, the Assistant SJA should refer to defense counsel for reasonable clarification.

Moving forward, the defense has been given 7 days from last Thursday to submit a formal proposal, and the prosecution will be given 7 days to respond, although they have already made it clear that a motion to grant AE 018 would be their position.

In the meantime, the prosecution agreed to have all sixteen “smoke detector” microphones removed from Echo II.

Josh Wirtshafter is a fellow at the Center for Policy and Research at Seton Hall University School of Law student. He is a member of the Class of 2014 and is a 2011 graduate of Franklin & Marshall College, where he majored in Religious Studies.

Guantanamo Military Tribunals: A Soup Of Sound

2L student Josh Wirtschafter is in GTMO this week observing the military commission hearings.  His observations from the Tuesday, February 12th hearings are printed below.

Although unclear at times, the issue for the second day of pre-trial hearings in United States v. Mohammed, et al., concerned the extent to which “The Man Behind the Curtain” could monitor attorney-client and attorney-attorney privileged communications from both inside and outside the courtroom. Three witnesses testified to this issue. Based on what was said—  and sometimes what was not said— tremendous light was shed on what appears to be the potential for serious breaches of attorney-client and attorney-attorney privileged communications at Guantanamo Bay.

And the Gates Are Open…

The morning was a techie’s fantasy. Mr. Maurice Elkins, the program and design manager of the video and audio recording system in the courtroom, testified as to the specifics of the in-court microphone system. Ably guided by Mr. Connell, defense counsel for Mr. al Baluchi, Mr. Elkins drew for the record a distinction between “gated” and “pre-gated” audio. The former is the filtered version of speech heard in the courtroom and disseminated to the press, nongovernmental organizations, and victim’s families in the gallery. The filter is the “gate,” which only opens when a speaker’s decibel level exceeds a certain threshold. Basically, the gated feed is the sound of those speakers who intend to be heard—those who speak at a normal decibel, not a whisper. On the other hand, the “pre-gated” audio feed is all of the other noise absorbed by the 27 hypersensitive microphones in the courtroom—everything above, below, or at normal decibel levels— which is to say: every whisper, side conversation, or pin drop in either the front or in the back of the room; even the whispers among defense counsel. It is a soup of sound— but one filled with privileged morsels.

Mr. Elkins explained that the pre-gated feed is sent only to the court reporter, the interpreters, and to the Original Classifying Authority (OCA). He further clarified that the court reporter was the only one of those three, to his knowledge, to have For The Record Gold (FTR Gold) software, which has recording and untangling capabilities. Meaning, the court reporter could, if he or she was so inclined, record the pre-gated feed, isolate a particular sidebar conversation, focus in on the one or more microphones picking up that conversation, and increase its sound. Virtually any and all speech in the court is potentially understandable if one has access to the commercially available FTR Gold software.

What Mr. Elkins seemed to be saying is that in court, systemically, only the court reporter is given access to FTR Gold. Unsettlingly, Mr. Elkins testified, however, that “he does not know” what OCA’s capabilities are outside of the court. Presiding Judge James Pohl rehabilitated Mr. Elkins on this point, after Elkins had exhaustingly testified to that exact point—that “he does not know!”

At the climax of Elkins’ frustration, in attempting to prove that he had changed the in-court audio system from “push to mute” to “push to talk,” so as to lend some assurance to the defense attorneys that they could converse with each other and their clients unrecorded if they so desired, Elkins explained, “The distinction with this microphone from which I am speaking at is I have to push it to talk or I have to push to untalk.” Dramatically, Elkins released the talk button, expecting his voice to be cut off from the gallery, but in actuality, I could hear him say, loud and clear, “It’s not pushed right now. So you can hear me inside the courtroom but nobody else can hear me.”

Seemingly, the assurances to the defense counsel were overstated, audibly, and if the “Man Behind the Curtain” had even the Walmart version of FTR Gold when receiving the pre-gated feed, his/its eavesdropping capabilities would be virtually absolute.

Echo II: The Attorney-Client Meeting Room Where the Microphones Don’t Say “Speak into the Mic”

Captain Thomas J. Welsh, Staff Judge Advocate (SJA) for Joint Task Force at Guantanamo Bay Naval Base was brought to the stand next. Welsh testified about his knowledge of audio monitoring capabilities outside of the courtroom—specifically in Echo II, the principle attorney-client meeting room. Among other things, he denied that the microphones in Echo II were concealed. His reasoning: just because it looks like a smoke detector does not mean that it is a smoke detector. Eventually he conceded that Echo II’s microphones are far from being categorized as readily identifiable recording devices, and that they did not look like the “speak into the mic” microphones in the courtroom.

Capt. Welsh testified that upon first assuming his position as SJA, he was unaware that Echo II had audio recording equipment. But in January 2012, Welsh walked-in on a law enforcement agent in an annexed control room listening to the conversation between parties (defense, detainee and prosecution) to the proffer of a plea deal in Echo II. On a number of occasions, Welsh essentially testified that he was surprised and concerned with what he had seen, and further concerned at the prospect that attorney-client privileged communications might be listened to. But when he brought his concerns to the attention of the system operators, he was advised not to worry because “they” certainly do not listen in on attorney-client communications there—only proffers and meetings with delegates from foreign agencies. Without a log system of the audio system’s use, Welsh’s inquiry stopped there.

If Welsh was as surprised as he said he was— and as concerned as he should have been—upon discovering the infrastructural capability for attorney-client privileged communications to be breached, one might think (or at least have hoped) that he would have conducted a more thorough investigation into the history and use of the Echo II microphones.  As a Staff Judge Advocate, entrusted with the duty of military justice, one might ask where his duty lies.

A search of his emails for purposes of this hearing—where he limited the search to “monitoring” and perhaps “audio”— brought up a gem.

In an e-mail dated May 8, 2008 in anticipation of a press conference, John Eskelsen, an assistant judge advocate, asks his boss, Captain McCarthy, Staff Judge Advocate  (a predecessor of Capt. Welsh) an interesting question.

The Defense Counsel questioned Capt. Welsh about the email while proffering both a question and what may be an explanation:

Question:  “…it says that if you, meaning Captain McCarthy, the prior SJA, need an affidavit from me that we did not keep sound recordings, I’d be happy to give it.”

Capt. Welsh: “Yes, it says that.”

Question: “And would you agree with me that the implication of that statement is that sound recordings are made but not kept?”

After some examination Capt. Welsh stated that he “would leave it to the judge to read what he wants to read into it.”

The Logistics Order Has A Language Specification Requirement For a Reason

Mr. James Harrington, Learned Counsel for co-defendant Ramzi Binalshibh, unraveled a dispute over the intended enforceability of the 2011 Logistics Order. This Order, drafted by Captain Welsh, approved by Welsh, and intended to be enforced by JTF-GTMO, set forth the updated standard operating procedures that defense counsel must obey prior to meeting with their clients in Echo II.  One of the many detailed procedures requires defense counsel to alert JTF-GTMO of what language they intended to speak during the meeting. Welsh brushed off the seriousness of this provision, saying that it is never enforced in practice.

It is obvious, however, that the only way to enforce this provision would be for the government to hire a translator to listen-in on the proceedings. Without any tracking or logging system attached to the use of the audio recorder in Echo II, the government could have been listening-in all along. It also calls into question whether they needed to know what language defense counsel would be speaking, in order to get a translator to listen in and monitor the conversation if the language chosen was something other than English.

Learned Hand Would Have a Problem with this…

This case has become chock-full-of-sneakiness. Or maybe concealing its intelligence-gathering mission has always been JTF-GTMO’s modus operandi. But it was not until now—the unveiling of the gated and pre-gated audio feeds, the smoke detector-looking microphones, and the curious SOP Orders—that the government’s subterfuge has become so public. Yet, in this case, the government has continued to argue that such intelligence-gathering motives have not resulted in an intrusion upon attorney-client or attorney-attorney privileged communications. Rather, that it is a by-product of the defense’s illusions and paranoia.

However, if intelligence-gathering is truly not an issue of concern, then why not appease the defense? Why not eliminate the pre-gated feed system? Why not completely remove the microphones in Echo II? As Judge Learned Hand might say, the solution is nearly costless.

Apparently, it is not that simple.

What is a High Value Detainee (HVD)?

Lieutenant Colonel Ramon Torres was the last witness called to the stand. Despite questions I and others might have about his testimony as a result of his having largely discredited himself on numerous occasions, he introduced an interesting topic— one which I would like to indulge for an important moment or two. Lt. Col. Torres stated that during his time at Guantanamo Bay he was, for all intents and purposes, the mailman for the “high value detainees” (HVDs). It was clear from present context that the HVDs he was referring to were Khalid Sheikh Mohammed and his four co-defendants. However, the classification for HVDs is not so neatly quartered. For instance, the present accused were transferred to Guantanamo Bay in September 2006 along with nine other detainees also labeled HVDs, though these nine are of far lower or even nonexistent intelligence value.

If these detainees have little or no intelligence value, then why is it that they have become muddled in the same category as the alleged masterminds of the 9/11 attacks? Importantly, these other nine detainees, though not sharing the intelligence value of the alleged masterminds of the 9/11 attacks, do, however share something with those on trial now: They were all exposed to CIA Dark Sites and those site’s classified personnel, interrogation tactics, location, etc. Seemingly then, criteria for being an HVD can simply be being a DSS (Dark Site Survivor).

Sub-classifying detainees according to more narrowly tailored intelligence qualifications could be good starting point for improving the system’s accuracy, and even lend some level of explanation for the military commission process and what appears to be rampant eavesdropping. Again, a more accurate classification of the nine non-mastermind, little or no intelligence value, detainees might be— instead of HVDs, Dark Site Survivors (DSS). Or, in the very least, we can hyphenate the status to show the real issue of concern: HVD-DSS.

Josh Wirtshafter is a fellow at the Center for Policy and Research at Seton Hall University School of Law student. He is a member of the Class of 2014 and is a 2011 graduate of Franklin & Marshall College, where he majored in Religious Studies.

KSM, Co-Defendants’ Legal Mail Ransacked And Seized

2L student Josh Wirtschafter is in GTMO this week observing the military commission hearings.  His observations from Wednesday’s hearings are printed below.

Wednesday’s pre-hearings in,United States v. Mohammed, et al., ended in soap opera-esqe drama. The last motion of the day was postponed until Thursday morning when it was announced that the alleged mastermind of the 9/11 attacks, Khalid Sheikh Mohammed, and two of his co-defendants, had returned to their cells after yesterday’s session to find their attorney-client mail ransacked— and much of it seized.

The news of the ransacking and seizure of attorney-client mail was apropos, given the morning testimony of Lieutenant Alexander Homme, who detailed the attorney-client mail screening process. Pursuant to a Staff Judge Advocate (SJA) Order, it was Homme’s job to screen mail both to and from detainees in their cells as well as in Echo II, the attorney-client meeting room. In short, Homme explained that non-legal mail would be separated from the legal mail, which was vaguely defined as any hand-written or typed documents that were prepared by the attorney, and that legal mail was allowed to pass, non-legal mail was subjected to seizure and further review. Eventually, however, it became clear that legal mail had a somewhat narrow definition, as even exhibits attached to an amicus brief, for example, are not guaranteed to be construed as “legal” for these purposes and thereby pass to a detainee.

Rejected non-legal mail would be seized and delivered to J2, the intelligence agency of Joint Task Force (JTF) at Guantanamo Bay, for inspection. Ms. Bormann, Counsel for Mr. bin ‘Attash, evidenced the difficulty of this process as she recounted, and Homme confirmed, four occasions where he rejected her attempt to deliver legally relevant documents to her client (an Arabic translation of the screening order, the book “Black Banners” that contained a chapter specific to her client’s charges in this case, a NAVY JAG Instruction on JAG ethics, and an amicusbrief from the al-Nashiri case that dealt with the same kind of seizure of attorney-client privileged material happening here).

Various defense attorneys noted the problematic nature of the screening process. First, the Order’s vague definition of legal mail makes it tremendously difficult to pass legal documents from attorney to client, and vice versa: what may be considered highly relevant to the defense as  part of effective legal, can be construed by the government as non-legal mail and subject to seizure. And second, even if the defense wants to exchange non-legal mail, all of it must first be screened by J2, a process by which it could take months to be cleared and delivered, and still, there is no guarantee that all of the documents will ultimately be delivered.

The reported ransacking and seizure of the accused’s legal mail seemed almost icing on the cake for defense counsel.

J2 Just Might Visit a Local Radio Shack

Next on the stand was Colonel John Vincent Bogdan, Joint Task Guard (JTG) Commander, who is responsible for controlling the attorney-client meeting room at Echo II. Lead by the compelling cross-examination of Mr. Nevin, Learned Counsel for Khalid Sheikh Mohammed, Bogdan revealed that although he began his commission as JTG Commander in June 2012, it was not until January 31, 2013—two weeks ago—that Bogdan learned of Echo II’s audio capabilities from Captain Welsh. He represented to the court that he had no knowledge of Echo II’s audio capabilities until that point, and assured the court that “they do not audio monitor in Echo II.” After learning of these audio monitoring capabilities, Bogdan issued a verbal order, not a written order, “that there was to be no audio monitoring of attorney-client meetings.”

In a quick witted response, Mr. Nevin asked: “But since you understood there was no audio — excuse me — audio monitoring capability, there was really no reason to order that there be no audio monitoring, right?” Why issue an order to not do something that is already not done? Bogdan said it was necessary to cement the policy.

Thereafter, Mr. Nevin sought answers from Bogdan as to how he took measures to assure that his verbal order would be obeyed. Bogdan confirmed that his guards dismantled the audio monitoring system. They did not remove the system altogether, however, and instead they “disconnect[ed] all the power supplies and secure[d] all the power supply so the system couldn’t be inadvertently turned on.” In other words, he had the electrical cord removed from the wall.

Bogdan also confirmed that J2 owned all of the audio and video technology in Echo II—the cameras, the microphones, and the wires connecting those pieces to the video and audio systems. This past weekend the defense were permitted to enter and observe the audio monitoring system in the control hut for Echo II. The audio system is called Louroe AP-4. It is a non-recording system, but it has an audio output jack in the back of it where one could simply plug-in a digital recording device—try Radio Shack.

The defense “tag-team” made the point, and Bogdan admitted, that as easy as it was to conceal from Bogdan the fact that Echo II has audio monitoring capabilities for over a year into his commission, J2 could also have just as easily purchased tiny microphones from Radio Shack and put them in Echo II without him knowing.

Balancing Competing Interests: National Security v. Protecting Attorney-Client Privileged Communications

Easy to lose in the drama and vagaries of another day in GTMO, the day’s pre-hearings were an emergency interlocutory motion to investigate into intrusions on attorney-client and attorney-attorney privileged communications.

JTF-GTMO wants security in Echo II for national and camp security reasons. The defense teams want to be relieved of the reasonable fear that they are being listened to in the courtroom and in Echo II. All seemingly reasonable concerns.

Ms. Bormann suggested a remedy—that the audio system be completely removed (maybe destroyed and trashed) and the guards instructed to monitor the attorney-client meetings in Echo II from chairs outside the room, leaving the door open but having them sit far enough away so that they cannot hear the conversations inside. The court seemed skeptical, and I suspect both prosecution and defense will continue to be so as well.

Josh Wirtshafter is a fellow at the Center for Policy and Research at Seton Hall University School of Law student. He is a member of the Class of 2014 and is a 2011 graduate of Franklin & Marshall College, where he majored in Religious Studies.